Calvin Coolidge
Inaugural Address
Wednesday, March 4, 1925

My Countrymen:

NO one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is 
satisfying and still more that is encouraging. Our own country is 
leading the world in the general readjustment to the results of the 
great conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for 
years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to 
experience for some time. But we are beginning to comprehend more 
definitely what course should be pursued, what remedies ought to be 
applied, what actions should be taken for our deliverance, and are 
clearly manifesting a determined will faithfully and conscientiously to 
adopt these methods of relief. Already we have sufficiently rearranged 
our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has 
revived, and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which is 
gradually reaching into every part of the Nation. Realizing that we can 
not live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed of our resources and 
our counsel to the relief of the suffering and the settlement of the 
disputes among the European nations. Because of what America is and 
what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the 
heart of all humanity.

These results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been secured 
by a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and 
extending over many generations. We can not continue these brilliant 
successes in the future, unless we continue to learn from the past. It 
is necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at home 
and abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science of 
government. If we wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite 
knowledge of the old foundations. We must realize that human nature is 
about the most constant thing in the universe and that the essentials 
of human relationship do not change. We must frequently take our 
bearings from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect 
to hold a true course. If we examine carefully what we have done, we 
can determine the more accurately what we can do.

We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our 
national consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action 
with an array of force. The old sentiment of detached and dependent 
colonies disappeared in the new sentiment of a united and independent 
Nation. Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for 
the broader opportunities of a national constitution. Under the eternal 
urge of freedom we became an independent Nation. A little less than 50 
years later that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face 
of all the world, and guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe 
doctrine. The narrow fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard 
advanced its frontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening 
continent until it passed down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made 
freedom a birthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in 
order to safeguard our own interests and accepted the consequent 
obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon less favored peoples. In 
the defense of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we 
entered the Great War. When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew 
to our own shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done.

Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have 
strengthened our independence. We have been, and propose to be, more 
and more American. We believe that we can best serve our own country 
and most successfully discharge our obligations to humanity by 
continuing to be openly and candidly, intensely and scrupulously, 
American. If we have any heritage, it has been that. If we have any 
destiny, we have found it in that direction.

But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must 
continue to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the 
legitimate desires of a civilized and enlightened people determined in 
all their relations to pursue a conscientious and religious life. We 
can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and 
phrases. It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of real 
importance. It is not the name of the action, but the result of the 
action, which is the chief concern. It will be well not to be too much 
disturbed by the thought of either isolation or entanglement of 
pacifists and militarists. The physical configuration of the earth has 
separated us from all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood of 
man, the highest law of all our being, has united us by inseparable 
bonds with all humanity. Our country represents nothing but peaceful 
intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to fail to maintain 
such a military force as comports with the dignity and security of a 
great people. It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modern, 
capable of defense by sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air. 
But it should be so conducted that all the world may see in it, not a 
menace, but an instrument of security and peace.

This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the 
rights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected. It has never 
found that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintained 
only by a great and threatening array of arms. In common with other 
nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace through 
friendliness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutual 
forbearance. We have never practiced the policy of competitive 
armaments. We have recently committed ourselves by covenants with the 
other great nations to a limitation of our sea power. As one result of 
this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it ever did before. 
Removing the burden of expense and jealousy, which must always accrue 
from a keen rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of 
diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and misunderstanding which are 
the most potent means of fomenting war. This policy represents a new 
departure in the world. It is a thought, an ideal, which has led to an 
entirely new line of action. It will not be easy to maintain. Some 
never moved from their old positions, some are constantly slipping back 
to the old ways of thought and the old action of seizing a musket and 
relying on force. America has taken the lead in this new direction, and 
that lead America must continue to hold. If we expect others to rely on 
our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on their fairness 
and justice.

If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for in 
international relations from frequent conferences and consultations. We 
have before us the beneficial results of the Washington conference and 
the various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some of 
which were in response to our suggestions and in some of which we were 
active participants. Even the failures can not but be accounted useful 
and an immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I am 
strongly in favor of continuation of this policy, whenever conditions 
are such that there is even a promise that practical and favorable 
results might be secured.

In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a 
threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse 
among nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement of 
disputes by methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to 
secure that result. The same considerations should lead to our 
adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice. Where great 
principles are involved, where great movements are under way which 
promise much for the welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact 
that many other nations have given such movements their actual support, 
we ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any small and 
inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the most important 
and compelling fundamental reasons. We can not barter away our 
independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no 
refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away 
the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its 
numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in 
the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to 
bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested 
attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of 
even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our 
enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force 
but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason.

We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any 
other countries. Especially are we determined not to become implicated 
in the political controversies of the Old World. With a great deal of 
hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order, 
protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some 
of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizens 
have advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing 
and relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall we fail to 
respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist in 
the rehabilitation of distressed nations. These, too, are requirements 
which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in 
the world.

Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula 
for permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of 
international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to 
prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our 
sympathy and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies of 
those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war. But all these plans 
and preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves 
be adequate. One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic 
pressure to which people find themselves subjected. One of the most 
practical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements under 
which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewed 
and hope may be revived. There must be some assurance that effort and 
endeavor will be followed by success and prosperity. In the making and 
financing of such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a 
real duty, for America to respond with her counsel and her resources. 
Conditions must be provided under which people can make a living and 
work out of their difficulties. But there is another element, more 
important than all, without which there can not be the slightest hope 
of a permanent peace. That element lies in the heart of humanity. 
Unless the desire for peace be cherished there, unless this fundamental 
and only natural source of brotherly love be cultivated to its highest 
degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain. Peace will come when 
there is realization that only under a reign of law, based on 
righteousness and supported by the religious conviction of the 
brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete and satisfying 
life. Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only the 
spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.

It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these 
important objects by maintaining our position of political detachment 
and independence. We are not identified with any Old World interests. 
This position should be made more and more clear in our relations with 
all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program is 
never to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice to 
others, we must require that justice be done to us. With us a treaty of 
peace means peace, and a treaty of amity means amity. We have made 
great contributions to the settlement of contentious differences in 
both Europe and Asia. But there is a very definite point beyond which 
we can not go. We can only help those who help themselves. Mindful of 
these limitations, the one great duty that stands out requires us to 
use our enormous powers to trim the balance of the world.

While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done 
abroad, we must remember that our continued success in that direction 
depends upon what we do at home. Since its very outset, it has been 
found necessary to conduct our Government by means of political 
parties. That system would not have survived from generation to 
generation if it had not been fundamentally sound and provided the best 
instrumentalities for the most complete expression of the popular will. 
It is not necessary to claim that it has always worked perfectly. It is 
enough to know that nothing better has been devised. No one would deny 
that there should be full and free expression and an opportunity for 
independence of action within the party. There is no salvation in a 
narrow and bigoted partisanship. But if there is to be responsible 
party government, the party label must be something more than a mere 
device for securing office. Unless those who are elected under the same 
party designation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and 
exhibit sufficient loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate 
with each other in the support of the broad general principles, of the 
party platform, the election is merely a mockery, no decision is made 
at the polls, and there is no representation of the popular will. 
Common honesty and good faith with the people who support a party at 
the polls require that party, when it enters office, to assume the 
control of that portion of the Government to which it has been elected. 
Any other course is bad faith and a violation of the party pledges.

When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it 
a majority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of 
action as will make the party majority an effective instrument of 
government. This Administration has come into power with a very clear 
and definite mandate from the people. The expression of the popular 
will in favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was 
overwhelming and decisive. There was a manifestation of such faith in 
the integrity of the courts that we can consider that issue rejected 
for some time to come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of 
railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable defeat. 
The people declared that they wanted their rights to have not a 
political but a judicial determination, and their independence and 
freedom continued and supported by having the ownership and control of 
their property, not in the Government, but in their own hands. As they 
always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated that 
they are sound and are determined to have a sound government.

When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the 
policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy 
in public expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation. The 
principle involved in this effort is that of conservation. The 
resources of this country are almost beyond computation. No mind can 
comprehend them. But the cost of our combined governments is likewise 
almost beyond definition. Not only those who are now making their tax 
returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost of existence in their 
monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is and 
what it does. No matter what others may want, these people want a 
drastic economy. They are opposed to waste. They know that extravagance 
lengthens the hours and diminishes the rewards of their labor. I favor 
the policy of economy, not because I wish to save money, but because I 
wish to save people. The men and women of this country who toil are the 
ones who bear the cost of the Government. Every dollar that we 
carelessly waste means that their life will be so much the more meager. 
Every dollar that we prudently save means that their life will be so 
much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its most practical form.

If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation 
both directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would 
not be of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method of 
solving our tax problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all the 
great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple 
remedy. We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The collection of 
any taxes which are not absolutely required, which do not beyond 
reasonable doubt contribute to the public welfare, is only a species of 
legalized larceny. Under this republic the rewards of industry belong 
to those who earn them. The only constitutional tax is the tax which 
ministers to public necessity. The property of the country belongs to 
the people of the country. Their title is absolute. They do not support 
any privileged class; they do not need to maintain great military 
forces; they ought not to be burdened with a great array of public 
employees. They are not required to make any contribution to Government 
expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves 
through the action of their own representatives. Whenever taxes become 
burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people; but if they do not 
act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them.

The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, 
unless we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we 
must have tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to impede 
the transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. I am opposed to 
extremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, 
because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are 
wrong. We can not finance the country, we can not improve social 
conditions, through any system of injustice, even if we attempt to 
inflict it upon the rich. Those who suffer the most harm will be the 
poor. This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that 
it is envious of those who are already prosperous. The wise and correct 
course to follow in taxation and all other economic legislation is not 
to destroy those who have already secured success but to create 
conditions under which every one will have a better chance to be 
successful. The verdict of the country has been given on this question. 
That verdict stands. We shall do well to heed it.

These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves 
much about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the 
rights of persons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme. It 
is not property but the right to hold property, both great and small, 
which our Constitution guarantees. All owners of property are charged 
with a service. These rights and duties have been revealed, through the 
conscience of society, to have a divine sanction. The very stability of 
our society rests upon production and conservation. For individuals or 
for governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these 
rights and disregard these obligations. The result of economic 
dissipation to a nation is always moral decay.

These policies of better international understandings, greater economy, 
and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperous 
industrial relations. Under the helpful influences of restrictive 
immigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate 
of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldom 
before seen. Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering 
and have been able to meet all the requirements of the service. 
Agriculture has been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at 
last indicates that the day of its deliverance is at hand.

We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not 
to secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already 
possess. Our system of government made up of three separate and 
independent departments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation and 
State, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all 
these need constant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection 
and support.

In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is 
obedience to law. Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the 
subject. He has no voice in its making, no influence in its 
administration, it does not represent him. Under a free government the 
citizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which do 
represent him. Those who want their rights respected under the 
Constitution and the law ought to set the example themselves of 
observing the Constitution and the law. While there may be those of 
high intelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the 
defective always violate it. Those who disregard the rules of society 
are not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom 
and independence, are not following the path of civilization, but are 
displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of savagery, and 
treading the way that leads back to the jungle.

The essence of a republic is representative government. Our Congress 
represents the people and the States. In all legislative affairs it is 
the natural collaborator with the President. In spite of all the 
criticism which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that 
there is no more independent and effective legislative body in the 
world. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome its 
cooperation, and expect to share with it not only the responsibility, 
but the credit, for our common effort to secure beneficial legislation.

These are some of the principles which America represents. We have not 
by any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly 
signified our belief in them. The encouraging feature of our country is 
not that it has reached its destination, but that it has overwhelmingly 
expressed its determination to proceed in the right direction. It is 
true that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national in 
our thought. It would be well if we could replace much that is only a 
false and ignorant prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of race. 
But the last election showed that appeals to class and nationality had 
little effect. We were all found loyal to a common citizenship. The 
fundamental precept of liberty is toleration. We can not permit any 
inquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious 
test to the holding of office. The mind of America must be forever free.

It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not 
exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for 
satisfaction and encouragement. We should not let the much that is to 
do obscure the much which has been done. The past and present show 
faith and hope and courage fully justified. Here stands our country, an 
example of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad. Here 
stands its Government, aware of its might but obedient to its 
conscience. Here it will continue to stand, seeking peace and 
prosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner, promoting 
enterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to 
the intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring the 
advancement of religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor 
among the nations. America seeks no earthly empire built on blood and 
force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to thought of foreign 
dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with the 
sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she seeks the 
allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin. She 
cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God.

